UNDERSTANDING TURKEY’S SECURITY DISCOURSE
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It is argued that this public debate itself could be viewed as an instance of 'societal bargaining' and transformation taking place within Turkey in response to globalization. The paper concludes by considering the extent to which Turkey's security conceptualization fits textbook definitions of security, and whether its existing security discourse has the capacity to provide security in a globalizing world. Check author's web site for an updated version of the paper.
Most Common Document Word Stems: secur , turkey , global 90 , state 84 , polici 80 , nation 73 , conceptu 51 , polit 50 , intern 43 , european 38 , discours 36 , threat 36 , bilgin 35 , union 34 , eu 33 , war 31 , militari 31 , world 31 , make 31 , turkish 29 , Author's Keywords:. Keywords: Turkey, security, globalization, foreign policy, Turkey-EU relations.
Terrorism and Turkey's discourse on the PKK
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It subsequently peaked with the popular uprisings that shook the Arab world after Grigoriadis ; Murinson But it was able to project the discourse of its foreign policy for a few years, during which period the country did indeed amass symbolical power in the Middle East and beyond, even if, as we now know, this was a very shallow discourse that had the attraction of novelty, but little power of persuasion in the real world.
This research method is content-sensitive and is used to describe and quantify phenomena Miles, Huberman ; Denzin, Lincoln ; Schreier Content analysis can be used in an inductive or deductive way, with the former approach allowing for categories to be derived from the empirical field.
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The first stage of the process begins with the selection of the unit of analysis. In our case, the units of analysis were the texts made available on the websites of think tanks and government institutions, as well as on Internet search engines, such as Google and Google Scholar. Focusing on the Internet as a primary source of empirical evidence may arguably introduce biases into the process, which are almost impossible to control. We searched texts in both English and in Turkish in order to examine the nature of the producers and to specify the publics targeted by these discourses.
This allowed us to map the regions centralised by this discourse and the themes contained within it, as well as ascertaining the differences emanating from the divergent nature of the sources. These themes were visualised with the help of qualitative research and visualisation tools like Tagxedo. The spread of the concept through other texts dedicated to public policy, cultural matters, Neo-Ottomanism etc.
We then examine the role of think-tanks inside and outside Turkey in the dissemination and adaptation of the discourse. When we examine the period from through academic publications made available on Google Scholar 3 , i.
Security Discourse | Insight Turkey
Compiled by Julien Paris. Their circulation in Turkish and American think tanks and the position of their fields of expertise in public institutions is indicative of the personal interests that may become invested in the promotion of this discourse. At the time of publication he was the founder and general coordinator of SETA, a leading pro-government think tank. There is no comparative upward trend in the number of publications, even though there is a significant hike between and , suggesting the start of an academic debate on the role for Turkey as a model for the future of countries destabilised by the Arab Spring.
For a comparison, please also consult Figures 3 and 4.
Tracing Turkey’s security discourses and practices vis-à-vis the Kurdish issue
Figure 2. Compiled by Julien Paris using Google Scholar. In terms of vocabulary, the following words are widely used: security, economy, strategy, culture, and energy. Based on the titles of papers referenced between and and translated into English. Word cloud based on the titles of 49 documents referenced between and and translated into English.
The former is much more widely spread both in terms of world regions and conceptual references with Europe, the Middle East, and Africa represented. This interdependence seems to have contributed to the blurring of lines between non-partisan scholarly research, academic research with a hidden political agenda, and outright partisan work to the point of devaluing the academic endeavour as a whole.
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Discursive developments since the s provides us with an insight into the workings of US-Turkey bilateral relations and the mode whereby this field of expertise is structured in these two countries. Due to its location, Turkey represented one of these geostrategic points and maintained strong economic and military ties with Western institutions, such as NATO, and especially with the United States.
In the same period, Turkey also experienced two main setbacks to its European ambitions in and Bush and later George W.
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Nevertheless, it quickly became apparent that Turkey lacked the capacity to fulfil this role due to its own domestic political and economic instability. As in the case of Central Asia, it was possible to witness the development of this discourse in regions where US interests were at stake and where the State Department remained wary of the influence of non-allied states.
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Ecevit Totals pertain to the whole period between and It also suggests that this shift is part of the structural pattern of Turkish-American relations, which develops in response to the international and domestic challenges faced by the two partners. It is possible to witness a similar and even more accentuated trend in American think tank production. Bush administration like Paul Wolfowitz. In the United States, we understand that Turkey remains on the frontlines of the war on terror. And we also understand that Turkey is a model for those in the Muslim world who have aspirations for democratic progress and prosperity.
Turkey gives us an example of the reconciliation of religious belief with modern secular democratic institutions.
Turkish Security Discourses and Policies: The Kurdish Question
However, such judgement fails to account for the complexity of this discourse, which cannot be reduced to a simplistic expression of the domination of the centre over the periphery. Indeed, the producers of discourses on Turkey within Turkish and American think tanks are characterized by their mobility. There is a remarkable pattern of circulation between different institutions located both within the United States and in Turkey. A rapid glance at the analysts working in American think tanks on Turkey indicates that the majority are of Turkish origin and move between universities and think tanks in the US and Turkey.
Some analysts could qualify as gatekeepers of this particular field of expertise as they have been responsible for producing reports on Turkey for several American think tanks since the beginning of the s. In addition, this system is characterised by its permeability and especially by its connections with academic and political fields, which further enhances the circulation of actors and thoughts within this system of knowledge production.
When the first revolts started in Tunisia and Egypt, Turkish officials refrained from promoting the vision of Turkey as a model. This was also a way of enhancing its actions and autonomy towards other major actors in world politics such as the United States. Compiled by Yohanan Benhaim in April This is certainly not a coincidence. SETA on the other hand is known in the domestic arena and especially in Washington for its strong connections to the AKP government and its foreign policy.
The entangled relationship between economic and political interests and think tank productions also serves as a reminder of the lack of autonomy of a large part of the Turkish think tank community from the state. Such a lack of autonomy is, of course, a phenomenon not limited to Turkey alone. Yet, since the authoritarian shift of the AKP government in , it has become particularly accentuated. We chose these two actors as they are the most authoritative actors of the AKP government and Turkish foreign policy abroad. We do not make threats We are cognizant of the fact that our democracy is our biggest soft power.
Though there is ample room for improvement, our democracy inspires many in our neighbourhood and constitutes the backbone of our growing soft power. Our geostrategic location, booming economy, ability to understand different social and cultural dynamics in a vast geography and commitment to advance democracy However, it is crucial to consider that all speeches and articles referring to this relationship are geared exclusively towards European audiences.
Europe and Turkey… share a truly common vision for the future of our continent: A Europe that strengthens its soft power and advances its universal values; that promotes diversity: that is much more influential in global politics. Ali Babacan, October 2, We used our visa policy as a tool of increasing soft power capability , lifting visa requirements with more than 30 countries in the last 5 years. In addition to its political and cultural benefits, these agreements boosted our tourism.
Figure 7 represents his core vocabulary.